My recent blog post entitled “Where is the Lebanese Zelensky” elicited an interesting response from my friend Joseph Gebeily, M.D., who is Chair of the Advisory Board of the Lebanese Information Center and a member of the Lebanese Forces Party Executive Council.
Joe wrote as follows:
The Lebanese Zelensky Exists and Stands Firm: Where Is the International Support?
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Elliott Abrams raises a critical point about Lebanon’s struggle to free itself from Hezbollah’s domination, but his claim that no one in Lebanon is standing up to Hezbollah is not accurate. The opposition to Hezbollah has been vocal and active for years, well before the events of October 7th. Leaders such as Samir Geagea, and others (Gemayel, Moawad, Chamoun,…) have consistently called for the disarmament of Hezbollah, the cessation of Iran’s interference, and the full implementation of the Taif Agreement and U.N. Security Council Resolutions 1559, 1680, and 1701. These political figures have not only criticized Hezbollah’s armed dominance but have also condemned the Lebanese government for allowing this militia to operate unchecked, with Geagea even accusing them of high treason.
Pressure PointsAbrams gives his take on U.S. foreign policy, with special focus on the Middle East and democracy and human rights issues.
However, the problem lies not with the lack of leadership but with the lack of power. The opposition does not control the executive or legislative branches of the government. In parliament, they are continually blocked by Hezbollah’s ally, Speaker Nabih Berri. The voices of the opposition are loud and clear, but they are systematically sidelined by a political structure designed to maintain the status quo.
The “Zelenskys” of Lebanon are there, and they do have popular support. My question in response to Elliott Abrams is: where is the international support for this opposition? Despite engagement with the U.S., France, and the so-called “Friends of Lebanon,” these powers continue to work with figures like Najib Mikati, Walid Jumblatt, and Nabih Berri, who position themselves in the middle—avoiding direct confrontation with Hezbollah and offering compromises that accommodate the group’s agenda.
If the Lebanese opposition, led by Geagea and others, received even 10% of the support that the West gives to President Zelensky in Ukraine, they would dominate Lebanon’s political landscape. But the international community, including the U.S. and France—who once supported Lebanon’s liberation from Syrian occupation—now prefers to deal with centrists and figures with ties to Hezbollah, while offering minimal contact with the patriotic opposition.
Moreover, where is the foreign role in stopping Iran from intervening in Lebanon in support of unlawful militias? Iran’s continuous meddling in Lebanese affairs and its support for Hezbollah is a blatant violation of international resolutions, yet there seems to be little action from global powers to curb this interference. Instead of just asking where the Lebanese Zelensky is, we should be asking: where is the international pressure to stop Iran’s intervention and uphold Lebanon’s sovereignty? Without a firm stance from the global community, Hezbollah’s grip on Lebanon—and Iran’s influence—will remain unchallenged, leaving the courageous Lebanese opposition to fight an uphill battle without the external support it desperately needs.
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I have some sympathy with this view. For example, here is a news item regarding the rejection of Iranian interference in Lebanon, quoting caretaker prime minister Mikati and Samir Geagea:
Caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati on Friday condemned remarks attributed to Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf about Tehran’s readiness to negotiate with France over the implementation of Resolution 1701.
“This stance represents a blatant interference in Lebanese affairs and an attempt to impose a rejected tutelage on Lebanon, knowing that we had informed Iran’s foreign minister and parliament speaker during their visits to Lebanon of the need to understand the Lebanese situation,” Mikati said in a statement.
“Lebanon is facing an unprecedented aggression and we are working with all of Lebanon’s friends, including France, to press Israel to cease fire,” the premier added.
“The issue of negotiating to implement U.N. resolution 1701 is being handled by the Lebanese state and everyone must support it in this direction, instead of seeking to impose new hegemonies that are rejected under all national and sovereign considerations,” Mikati said.
He later asked caretaker Foreign Minister Abdallah Bou Habib to summon the Iranian charge d’affaires to grill him over Ghalibaf’s remarks.
The Iranian parliament, however, later denied the remarks attributed to Ghalibaf, stressing that Tehran “backs everything decided by the Lebanese people, government and resistance to achieve a permanent truce.”
Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea meanwhile said that Mikati’s stance “gives us a glimpse of hope that the Lebanese state” has started to “assume its responsibilities.” “What Mikati said this morning expresses the viewpoint of every true Lebanese, and we hope PM Mikati would continue to say that the Lebanese government demands a ceasefire based on resolutions 1559, 1680 and 1701, because this is the only way to halt the massacres that have been ongoing in Lebanon for around two months,” Geagea added.
And in an October 9 television interview, member of parliament Nadim Gemayel said:
Hizbullah is reaping today what it has been sowing for the past 20 years. Hizbullah has threatened us, killed us, destroyed us, and has tried all the time to push Lebanese society as a whole. Hizbullah would not let anyone speak freely, and would not let the state get back on its feet…. There will be no ceasefire before Hizbullah hands over its weapons…. It is not between Lebanon and Israel. It is between Hizbullah and Israel.
So Joe Gebeily is right that voices are now being heard pushing back against Hezbollah and Iran. And he is right in asking about international support for Lebanon, and in suggesting that such support as there has been has backed endless compromises with Hezbollah rather than confrontation with it.
But more is needed from the Lebanese. Where are the Lebanese Armed Forces, which should be demanding that Hezbollah vacate the south of the country and pledging to police it and prevent Hezbollah’s return there? It’s good to see Mikati pushing back against Iran, but where are his statements about Hezbollah, which sold out Lebanon in the interests of Iran? It’s not a surprise to see Nadim Gemayel denounce Hezbollah, as he has been doing for decades, but he is a Maronite leader; where are the strong Sunni and Druze and Shia voices today?
Druze leader Walid Jumblatt recently said after the killing of Nasrallah that “Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and his comrades have joined the long caravan of martyrs on the road to Palestine…I offer my condolences to Hezbollah and its supporters….” Three months ago Hasan Nasrallah “expressed gratitude to Druze leader Walid Jumblatt ‘in appreciation of his stances on the war on Gaza and south Lebanon for the past 10 months, specifically over his latest stance on the rocket attack on Majdal Shams.’” This was after Jumblatt called Israel’s accusations that Hezbollah was responsible for the strike that killed 12 Druze children “lies.” It’s obvious that Hezbollah was responsible for the killings, yet here was the Druze leader covering for the killers.
Now is the time for Lebanese to come forward, and for others to be as brave as Samir Geagea has been in making demands of Hezbollah. It is also (as Joe Gebeily says) the time for the United States, France, the EU and others to make our own demands, backing Lebanese who are willing to challenge Hezbollah and pushing others to do so. This opportunity to diminish Hezbollah’s power, get its army out of southern Lebanon, push Iran out of Lebanon’s internal affairs, and restore Lebanese sovereignty will not last forever. Admittedly the kind of international leadership needed now is difficult for the governments of France after Macron’s disastrous election, and of the United States when President Biden is a very lame duck. But it’s not impossible, and it would be tragic to waste this moment of opportunity.
Where is the Lebanese Zelensky, Part II
My recent blog post entitled “Where is the Lebanese Zelensky” elicited an interesting response from my friend Joseph Gebeily, M.D., who is Chair of the Advisory Board of the Lebanese Information Center and a member of the Lebanese Forces Party Executive Council.
Joe wrote as follows:
The Lebanese Zelensky Exists and Stands Firm: Where Is the International Support?
More on:
Elliott Abrams raises a critical point about Lebanon’s struggle to free itself from Hezbollah’s domination, but his claim that no one in Lebanon is standing up to Hezbollah is not accurate. The opposition to Hezbollah has been vocal and active for years, well before the events of October 7th. Leaders such as Samir Geagea, and others (Gemayel, Moawad, Chamoun,…) have consistently called for the disarmament of Hezbollah, the cessation of Iran’s interference, and the full implementation of the Taif Agreement and U.N. Security Council Resolutions 1559, 1680, and 1701. These political figures have not only criticized Hezbollah’s armed dominance but have also condemned the Lebanese government for allowing this militia to operate unchecked, with Geagea even accusing them of high treason.
Pressure PointsAbrams gives his take on U.S. foreign policy, with special focus on the Middle East and democracy and human rights issues.
However, the problem lies not with the lack of leadership but with the lack of power. The opposition does not control the executive or legislative branches of the government. In parliament, they are continually blocked by Hezbollah’s ally, Speaker Nabih Berri. The voices of the opposition are loud and clear, but they are systematically sidelined by a political structure designed to maintain the status quo.
The “Zelenskys” of Lebanon are there, and they do have popular support. My question in response to Elliott Abrams is: where is the international support for this opposition? Despite engagement with the U.S., France, and the so-called “Friends of Lebanon,” these powers continue to work with figures like Najib Mikati, Walid Jumblatt, and Nabih Berri, who position themselves in the middle—avoiding direct confrontation with Hezbollah and offering compromises that accommodate the group’s agenda.
If the Lebanese opposition, led by Geagea and others, received even 10% of the support that the West gives to President Zelensky in Ukraine, they would dominate Lebanon’s political landscape. But the international community, including the U.S. and France—who once supported Lebanon’s liberation from Syrian occupation—now prefers to deal with centrists and figures with ties to Hezbollah, while offering minimal contact with the patriotic opposition.
Moreover, where is the foreign role in stopping Iran from intervening in Lebanon in support of unlawful militias? Iran’s continuous meddling in Lebanese affairs and its support for Hezbollah is a blatant violation of international resolutions, yet there seems to be little action from global powers to curb this interference. Instead of just asking where the Lebanese Zelensky is, we should be asking: where is the international pressure to stop Iran’s intervention and uphold Lebanon’s sovereignty? Without a firm stance from the global community, Hezbollah’s grip on Lebanon—and Iran’s influence—will remain unchallenged, leaving the courageous Lebanese opposition to fight an uphill battle without the external support it desperately needs.
More on:
I have some sympathy with this view. For example, here is a news item regarding the rejection of Iranian interference in Lebanon, quoting caretaker prime minister Mikati and Samir Geagea:
Caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati on Friday condemned remarks attributed to Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf about Tehran’s readiness to negotiate with France over the implementation of Resolution 1701.
“This stance represents a blatant interference in Lebanese affairs and an attempt to impose a rejected tutelage on Lebanon, knowing that we had informed Iran’s foreign minister and parliament speaker during their visits to Lebanon of the need to understand the Lebanese situation,” Mikati said in a statement.
“Lebanon is facing an unprecedented aggression and we are working with all of Lebanon’s friends, including France, to press Israel to cease fire,” the premier added.
“The issue of negotiating to implement U.N. resolution 1701 is being handled by the Lebanese state and everyone must support it in this direction, instead of seeking to impose new hegemonies that are rejected under all national and sovereign considerations,” Mikati said.
He later asked caretaker Foreign Minister Abdallah Bou Habib to summon the Iranian charge d’affaires to grill him over Ghalibaf’s remarks.
The Iranian parliament, however, later denied the remarks attributed to Ghalibaf, stressing that Tehran “backs everything decided by the Lebanese people, government and resistance to achieve a permanent truce.”
Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea meanwhile said that Mikati’s stance “gives us a glimpse of hope that the Lebanese state” has started to “assume its responsibilities.” “What Mikati said this morning expresses the viewpoint of every true Lebanese, and we hope PM Mikati would continue to say that the Lebanese government demands a ceasefire based on resolutions 1559, 1680 and 1701, because this is the only way to halt the massacres that have been ongoing in Lebanon for around two months,” Geagea added.
And in an October 9 television interview, member of parliament Nadim Gemayel said:
Hizbullah is reaping today what it has been sowing for the past 20 years. Hizbullah has threatened us, killed us, destroyed us, and has tried all the time to push Lebanese society as a whole. Hizbullah would not let anyone speak freely, and would not let the state get back on its feet…. There will be no ceasefire before Hizbullah hands over its weapons…. It is not between Lebanon and Israel. It is between Hizbullah and Israel.
So Joe Gebeily is right that voices are now being heard pushing back against Hezbollah and Iran. And he is right in asking about international support for Lebanon, and in suggesting that such support as there has been has backed endless compromises with Hezbollah rather than confrontation with it.
But more is needed from the Lebanese. Where are the Lebanese Armed Forces, which should be demanding that Hezbollah vacate the south of the country and pledging to police it and prevent Hezbollah’s return there? It’s good to see Mikati pushing back against Iran, but where are his statements about Hezbollah, which sold out Lebanon in the interests of Iran? It’s not a surprise to see Nadim Gemayel denounce Hezbollah, as he has been doing for decades, but he is a Maronite leader; where are the strong Sunni and Druze and Shia voices today?
Druze leader Walid Jumblatt recently said after the killing of Nasrallah that “Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and his comrades have joined the long caravan of martyrs on the road to Palestine…I offer my condolences to Hezbollah and its supporters….” Three months ago Hasan Nasrallah “expressed gratitude to Druze leader Walid Jumblatt ‘in appreciation of his stances on the war on Gaza and south Lebanon for the past 10 months, specifically over his latest stance on the rocket attack on Majdal Shams.’” This was after Jumblatt called Israel’s accusations that Hezbollah was responsible for the strike that killed 12 Druze children “lies.” It’s obvious that Hezbollah was responsible for the killings, yet here was the Druze leader covering for the killers.
Now is the time for Lebanese to come forward, and for others to be as brave as Samir Geagea has been in making demands of Hezbollah. It is also (as Joe Gebeily says) the time for the United States, France, the EU and others to make our own demands, backing Lebanese who are willing to challenge Hezbollah and pushing others to do so. This opportunity to diminish Hezbollah’s power, get its army out of southern Lebanon, push Iran out of Lebanon’s internal affairs, and restore Lebanese sovereignty will not last forever. Admittedly the kind of international leadership needed now is difficult for the governments of France after Macron’s disastrous election, and of the United States when President Biden is a very lame duck. But it’s not impossible, and it would be tragic to waste this moment of opportunity.